Thursday, March 15, 2007

Is the Opposition Committed to Political and Administrative Reforms ?

The answer might be a partial "yes" according to this Daily Star article. According to the Daily Star, Energy Minister Mohammad Fneish of Hizbullah initiated a number of changes to fight off some of the rampant corruption and the resulting waste of public funds within that ministry. Back in 2005 for example, Fneish signed purchasing agreements with both Algeria and Kuwait to supply Lebanon's state-owned electricity company Electricite du Liban (EDL) with oil bypassing the few private local companies who were for years bleeding the government dry by selling oil to EDL at an inflated price. The oil contracts with Algeria and Kuwait resulted in some $70 million savings to the state treasury.




Energy Minister Mohammad Fneish


Fneish also dismantled the semi-autonomous corrupt divisions running the Zahrani and Tripoli oil refineries. The Zahrani oil refinery was built in the 1950s by Aramco and handed over to the Lebanese government in 1983 after the Tapline oil pipeline was shutdown. The Tripoli oil refinery was built in the 1940s by IPC and nationalized by the Lebanese government in 1973 (crude oil pumping through the IPC pipeline was terminated in 1976). The staff at both the Zahrani and Tripoli terminals, now state employees, was reduced to supplying imported oil to state utilities such as EDL and getting rewarded with inflated salaries and lucrative employee benefits (such as state subsidized personal maids and government paid cars according to the article....). Fneish moved in and slashed their salaries and terminated their benefits.

Fneish banned the use of dynamite by the local fishermen in the Tripoli area back in 2005 to protect the under-sea pipeline supplying the Beddawi power plant with fuel.




Public Works and Transport Minister Mohammad Safadi


Following Fneish's resignation in November 2006, acting minister Mohammad Safadi lifted the ban on fishing around the Beddawi plant and cancelled Fneish's fiscal reforms targeting the Zahrani and Tripoli oil terminal employees. Safadi went on to expand the staff of the Tripoli refinery even further by hiring 39 additional employees....

“You can’t give up! You owe it to humanity to make this work.”

Lors de mes errances virtuelles, je suis tombé par hasard sur cet article publié dans un journal Juif (c’est pas moi qui le dis, c’est eux). Je n’ai pas pu m’empêcher de rigoler pendant toute sa lecture. Surtout à cause de la phrase que j’ai mise en titre.

Fait le "Love" pour la humanity et Israel te le rendra bien…
puis l'article...
When Love Is a Casualty of War

Joshua Gross Fri. Mar 16, 2007

My Lebanese girlfriend does not want to listen to The Cure’s song “Killing an Arab.”
“Turn it off,” she demands.
This is odd. Helen is a huge Cure fan; in fact, I never really listened to The Cure until we started dating. I turn around to face her, my mind racing to produce some witty remark that will make her laugh and defuse the sudden tension, but our eyes meet and I am utterly disarmed. I hear her sigh as she walks away.
It’s not that Helen doesn’t like this particular song, it’s that she doesn’t like songs about killing Arabs, especially when in real life, our peoples are killing each other day after day. We cannot enjoy the song’s catchy rhythm or ironic lyrics when bombs fall and Katyushas fly. What used to be a harmless song has become an unwanted reminder of the gulf that exists between us.
Together, Helen and I had tried to create a tidy little universe with a population of two. In this universe, it didn’t matter that I was a Jew and Helen was an Arab. We were beyond the politics.
On our first date, we set a precedent by skipping out on a proposed tour of the Lincoln memorial, preferring to tour each other’s contours rather than those of a lifeless statue. As the months passed, we discovered that Helen’s attempts to teach me French were as doomed as my own throat-clearing lessons in the correct pronunciation of challah, her favorite new food. We could even laugh at the irony when Helen peeled off my sweater to reveal a T-shirt emblazoned with “Don’t Worry America, Israel Is Behind You.”
Politics slumbered alongside us. Sometimes it spoke in its sleep, sometimes it rolled over, but it did not wake up.
And then, the war.
When the morning newscast announced that two Israeli soldiers had been kidnapped along the border of Lebanon, I felt the dream world that Helen and I had constructed around ourselves begin to evaporate. Helen was still asleep in my arms, the splayed skirt of her eyelashes undisturbed.
“Two-hundred twenty rockets fired, antitank missiles, civilian deaths,” the radio continued. Reluctantly, I shook Helen awake.
Helen’s broad face and enormous anime-eyes make her look like a Lebanese version of the waving cat statues you find at Chinese restaurants. When she is happy, that face can move in a hundred directions at once, eyebrows bending and arching, nose scrunching, chin moving in slow semicircles as she bites her upper lip. Her laughter is intoxicating, and I spent much of our time together trying to keep her laughing.
But a serious thought drains Helen’s face of this playfulness like sand sucked through a sieve. As Israelis reservists hitchhiked their way to the northern front, Helen became consumed by serious thoughts, her laughter a distant memory.
As the war raged on, our morning ritual of listening to the news on NPR became agonizing. Helen still hadn’t heard from her aunts and uncles and cousins, and she feared the worst. I switched my alarm clock from “radio” to “buzzer.”
One morning, about a week after the conflict had begun, the tension was especially palpable. All of a sudden, Helen threw down her boots in frustration. Her fingers balled into fists.
“We have to talk,” she said.
“I know,” I replied.
“You are so distant,” she said. Helpless and angry, she stared out the window.
I picked up Helen’s boots and brought them to her.
“I don’t even know what to say,” was the best I could do. I was afraid that if we talked, we would discover that we just could not be together. I was afraid of discovering that love had failed to elevate us to a place beyond politics. “Please,” I begged, “give me some time.”
A few days later, I left Helen in Washington and attended the wedding of a college friend, a Jewish wedding. Most of my friends had already met Helen and, given the circumstances, they were concerned. I told them we were doing our best, trying to get though it, focusing on each other and trying to stay positive.
What I didn’t tell my friends was that I was terrified. Terrified that someone from Helen’s family could get killed by an Israeli bomb. Terrified that every time I saw her Caller ID, I thought it would be our last conversation. I kept imagining her carefully chosen words, her contrite tone as she whispered through the tears, “I’m sorry, I just can’t do this anymore.”
My friends were supportive, and a few admitted to being inspired by us, framing our relationship in hopeful, hyperbolic terms, a microcosm of the peace process itself. When I expressed my own doubts, one overzealous friend scolded me, “You can’t give up! You owe it to humanity to make this work.”
As if I didn’t have enough on my mind. Now world peace hinged on my ability to find common ground with my girlfriend.
While I had spent the weekend dancing and celebrating with my friends, Helen had been glued to the TV, watching the carnage unfold. She did not sound happy to hear my voice.
Why is it that when it comes to Jews and Arabs, there are plenty of books about coexistence between peoples but significantly fewer about love between individuals? In a market flooded with books about relationships and dating rules, helpful pointers for Jews and Arabs are in short supply.
An hour later, we were at a coffee shop, staring at each another, barely speaking. The whole endeavor seemed a lost cause. I prepared myself for the worst and waited for a server to offer us some coffee.
We didn’t even get a chance to order. Suddenly Helen was crying, I was fighting back tears and we were out the door. We spent the next two hours wandering through downtown D.C., exhausted by the heavy, humid air and the burden of our own emotions.
“I just want to be with my own people right now,” she said, her hands sweeping through the space between us. “They’re the only ones that would understand.” “Why?” I said, trying to catch her hands midair but missing. She folded her arms across her chest.
We stopped talking. For a full minute we waited for our heartbeats to slow down and listened to the traffic.
“I don’t want to keep fighting with you,” Helen said, looking into my eyes. I put my arms around her, drew her close.
“Then we need to get through this. If we can’t get through this, what chance is there that anyone else could?” I said. “We can’t allow ourselves to be infected by the hatred that we’ve escaped, that they’ve been born into.”
I thought of Helen picking apples, of the dinners we’d cooked together, all those times we held politics spellbound with our love.
“But still,” she paused, looked away. “This hurts.”
Early last October, weeks after the cease-fire, I attended another wedding. This one was Lebanese, and Helen and I were still together, still very much in love. Our feelings for each another had not become a casualty of the war between our peoples, but I was nervous. The bride’s family members from Lebanon could not come, and the specter of their absence threatened to haunt the ceremony. Despite my best intentions, I could not help feeling like a Jew in enemy territory.
My trepidation was foolish. In the end, the wedding was beautiful, no one talked politics, and at one point a relative of the bride announced that the couple would be making a substantial donation to St. George’s Medical Center, a hospital in Beirut.
The guests applauded passionately. I was one of them, and for a few fleeting moments I felt as if I truly was one of them, without division, just another human experiencing genuine empathy for the suffering of others.
It was a liberating feeling.
But as I write these words, all is not well in the Middle East. The same bellicose rhetoric bounces back and forth. How many more times will we be forced to run this gauntlet of who we are and what we believe?
Another war may come, but for now all that truly matters is what Helen and I see in ourselves when our eyes lock and the rest of the world and all of human history dissolves, when we are filled with the warmth of our bodies and hearts intertwined and it is us, only us, alone in our private universe.
Perhaps, in our relationship, “Killing an Arab” can never just be a song. But there are other, better songs.
Joshua Gross is a public affairs consultant in Washington.
Fri. Mar 16, 2007

Wednesday, March 14, 2007

Franchement, t'abuse la... Dreyfus.

L'orient-le-jour (14032006)>> Jamil Sayyed à Charles Rizk et « à tout le monde » : Y a-t-il un Émile Zola parmi vous ?
L’ancien directeur général de la Sûreté générale, placé en détention préventive après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri, a adressé hier une lettre ouverte au ministre de la Justice, Charles Rizk, et « à tout le monde ». Rappelant que le rapport du département d’État US sur les droits de l’homme a qualifié d’« arbitraires » l’arrestation et la détention des quatre généraux, et relevant que « par chance » le rapport est « américain et non syrien ou iranien », il a posé au ministre Rizk la question suivante : « Vous qui êtes pétri de culture française, qui donc était président de la République et ministre de la Justice en France lorsque a été arrêté de force l’officier Dreyfus, accusé d’espionnage ? (...) Vous vous souvenez de l’écrivain Émile Zola qui a osé à l’époque s’élever contre le régime politique et la structure militaire en France pour défendre Dreyfus par le biais de son article “J’accuse”. Cet article a inscrit Émile Zola et lui seul dans l’histoire et les gens ont oublié qui occupait en ce temps-là l’Élysée et le ministère de la Justice », écrit Jamil Sayyed.

Thursday, March 8, 2007

Al-Qaida Operating in the South ?

Not so long ago, the Hezb has publicly vowed to fight off any attempts by Al Qaida to establish itself and operate in areas under its direct control and to contain the spread of the Salafists to the Palestinian refugee camps and the Akkar-Tripoli region. However, the Hezb masters in Damascus and Tehran seem to have a change of heart recently and have authorized the infiltration of Salafist militants (their former mortal enemy) to southern Lebanon through the Syrian border according to this article. Not sure how credible this information is but it's worth reading anyway.

Cadeau


Aujourd'hui: Journee Internationale de la Femme

Wednesday, March 7, 2007

"Rediscover Lebanon"


"Lebanon's Summer" Video - Ministry of Tourism and MEA's "Rediscover Lebanon"




"Lebanon's Nighlife" Video - Ministry of Tourism and MEA's "Rediscover Lebanon"



"Lebanon's Ski" Video - Ministry of Tourism and MEA's "Rediscover Lebanon"



"Lebanon's History" Video - Ministry of Tourism and MEA's "Rediscover Lebanon"


I came across those four video clips on youtube the other day. They were part of a multimedia publicity campaign titled "Rediscover Lebanon" launched by the Ministry of Tourism in collaboration with MEA prior to the July 2006 war to promote the country's tourist attractions (beach & ski resorts, nightclubs, archeological sites, etc...) and encourage tourism travel and spending during the winter and summer months.

I enjoyed the first video with all the young attractive trendy women running around in bikini swimsuits, having a good time, table dancing, and driving around in expensive cars. This is of course not representative of the lifestyle of most segments of Lebanese society especially that constant annoying reference to "Lebanese love to party hard", "Lebanese love to go out", "Lebanese love to let it go", "Life is for living" and my personal favorite: "Nightlife in Beirut is about seeing and being seen: it's the national sport of Lebanon". This is all too reminiscent of the notorious "I Love Life" campaign. But then again, who cares... Overall, I do like the video because they do serve their main purpose which is to encourage young tourists from the West to visit the country. This campaign was targeting a Western audiance which is constantly exposed to images of violence, terrorism, and regional conflicts originating from the Middle East. The videos were, after all, designed to portray Lebanon as a fun, friendly, and safe tourist destination (at least, prior to the July war).

Things got a bit more interesting toward the end of the "Lebanon Summer" video where, without any warning and out of nowhere, the controversial topic of Lebanese identity (a national taboo) is suddenly raised in the open. The video's version of national identity goes as follows: "You can't label Lebanon in any way. We're in the Middle East but we're partly a European country". The politically correct and socially acceptable definition of national identity is a bit different and can be found in the 1989 Taef Agreement: "Lebanon is Arab in belonging and identity". As far as the Taef agreement is concerned, this issue is now resolved, forever closed, and no longer subject to any more discussions or interpretations. But in reality, we're still caught up in our own national identity crisis in this country in spite of two civil wars, countless foreign invasions, and hundreds of thousands of casualties. The roots of the 1958 mini-civil war, the 1975 civil war, and the current ongoing March 8 vs. March 14 conflict can be all traced down to that unresolved national identity crisis. What are our aspirations for this country ? Should Lebanon interests be aligned with those of the anti-American, anti-European coalition represented by Syria, Iran, Venezuela, and North Korea and should Lebanon be actively engaged in the Arab-Israeli conflict ? Or do Lebanon's interests lie elsewhere ? Should the country be aligned with the West instead (mainly the US and Western European countries) and be totally disengaged from the Arab-Israeli conflict ?

Valait mieux kidnaper des soldates

Le conflit qui a opposé durant l’été Israël au Hezbollah a provoqué un baby-boom dans l’État hébreu, a rapporté lundi une chaîne de télévision locale. Selon les statistiques de la plus importante organisation de santé israélienne, le nombre de femmes qui sont actuellement dans leur cinquième, sixième ou septième mois de grossesse est supérieur de 35 % à celui de l’année dernière à la même époque. Gila Bronner, directrice du service de santé sexuelle du centre médical Haim Sheba, a expliqué sur la chaîne Channel 10 que l’augmentation de l’activité sexuelle après un conflit armé figurait une affirmation de la vie. « Nous avons voulu dire au monde, “vous avez essayé de nous tuer, mais vous ne l’avez pas fait – regardez, nous sommes vivants” », a-t-elle déclaré. Après la guerre des Six-Jours de 1967, Israël avait connu un baby-boom de quatre années. Une recrudescence des naissances avait également été constatée dans les deux années ayant suivi les conflits de 1973 contre l’Égypte et la Syrie.